Let’s get one thing straight: the so-called “liberal extreme” has never been about peace, justice, or equality. It’s about running the empire with better PR. When Noam Chomsky wrote What Uncle Sam Really Wants in 1992, he pulled back the curtain on figures like George Kennan, who perfected the art of sounding reasonable while planning the next atrocity. Kennan’s advice to ditch the “sentimentality” of human rights while protecting America’s obscene wealth disparity wasn’t some dark corner of U.S. policy—it was the blueprint. Thirty years later, the liberals have learned how to sprinkle their imperial ambitions with diversity, climate promises, and the occasional Pride flag. But the core remains the same: they’re just better at lying about it.
Enter Kamala Harris, the latest mascot of the liberal extreme. Her failed 2024 presidential bid against Donald Trump—leading to his grotesque second term—offers a perfect case study in how neoliberalism paved the way for this disaster. While Trump screamed about walls and witch hunts, Harris politely promised a more "inclusive" version of business as usual. And that’s the problem: liberal extremism isn’t the antidote to Trumpism—it’s its enabler.
Kennan’s Ghost Lives On
George Kennan’s Policy Planning Study 23 set the tone for U.S. foreign policy long before Trump’s boorish nationalism took the stage. In 1948, Kennan candidly admitted that America’s global agenda was about hoarding wealth, not spreading democracy. He dismissed ideals like human rights as “daydreaming,” warning that they’d get in the way of the real goal: making sure the rest of the world stayed poor and obedient.
Sound familiar? Kennan’s strategy has been rebranded by the likes of Harris and her ilk, but the playbook hasn’t changed. Today’s liberal planners still believe in crushing economic independence wherever it threatens U.S. corporate profits. They just do it with press releases about "shared values" and “strengthening alliances.”
Kamala Harris: The Empire’s New Mask
Harris was the perfect liberal candidate: a former prosecutor who could talk tough while flashing a warm smile. But scratch the surface, and it was all the same. On the campaign trail, Harris promised to "restore American leadership" (read: bully the world back into line), “stand up to China” (read: provoke a Cold War), and champion “democracy” (read: overthrow governments that won’t play ball). This is neoliberalism in its purest form: selling imperialism as a kindness.
While vice president, Harris mastered the art of saying one thing and doing another. She claimed to care about the “root causes” of migration from Central America but spent her time pressuring countries like Guatemala to crush grassroots movements for land reform and justice. She lamented climate change in speeches while quietly greenlighting fossil fuel projects. And while she criticized Trump’s blatant racism, she oversaw policies that deported record numbers of migrants back to the violence her administration helped sustain.
Harris’s foreign policy boiled down to one principle: U.S. dominance at all costs. If Trump’s “America First” was imperialism with a sneer, Harris offered imperialism with a hug.
How the Liberals Lost to Trump (Again)
And yet, somehow, Harris lost to Donald Trump. How? Because liberal extremism offers nothing to ordinary people. Harris ran a campaign based on identity politics and empty promises, all while clinging to the neoliberal consensus that created Trump in the first place. She talked about diversity in corporate boardrooms but had nothing to say to working-class Americans drowning in debt and facing eviction. She attacked Trump’s cruelty but upheld the policies that devastated communities at home and abroad.
Trump, for all his grotesque bluster, knows how to exploit the failures of liberalism. While Harris spoke in polished soundbites, Trump screamed about forgotten workers and corrupt elites—never mind that he is one of those elites. His pitch resonated because, unlike Harris, he at least pretends to care about people who’ve been left behind by decades of bipartisan neglect.
Liberalism Abroad: The Polite Brutality
On the international stage, the liberal extreme is no less vicious than Trump’s chest-thumping nationalism. Take Harris’s approach to Venezuela. She framed U.S. sanctions as a noble effort to “restore democracy,” but the real goal was to strangle the economy and force regime change. The result? Mass starvation and poverty for ordinary Venezuelans—a small price to pay for keeping U.S. corporations happy.
Or consider Haiti, where Harris’s "humanitarian" rhetoric masked the same old policy of propping up corrupt elites while crushing grassroots movements. U.S.-backed coups, rigged elections, and paramilitary death squads are fine, as long as they’re done with a liberal smile.
And let’s not forget China. Harris, like Biden before her, talked endlessly about defending “freedom in the Indo-Pacific.” Translation: preventing China from becoming economically independent while surrounding it with military bases. Liberals like Harris love to cloak their aggression in terms of “human rights,” but the policies are indistinguishable from Trump’s tariffs and trade wars.
At Home: Liberalism’s Soft Despotism
The liberal extreme isn’t just failing abroad—it’s collapsing at home. Kennan’s advice to suppress “daydreams” about raising living standards is alive and well in the Democratic Party. Harris talked about fairness while defending a system where billionaires grow richer and ordinary Americans sink deeper into despair.
During her vice presidency, homelessness hit record highs, healthcare remained unaffordable, and student debt continued to crush entire generations. But Harris and her team were too busy handing out subsidies to Silicon Valley and defense contractors to notice. This isn’t just incompetence—it’s the inevitable result of a system designed to serve the wealthy while keeping everyone else in line.
The Real Legacy of Liberal Extremism
Here’s the truth: the liberal extreme isn’t an alternative to Trumpism—it’s its breeding ground. By refusing to address systemic inequality, liberals create the very conditions that allow demagogues like Trump to rise. Their obsession with maintaining the empire—wrapped in the language of inclusion and progress—only fuels resentment and ensures more cycles of reactionary backlash.
Kennan’s playbook lives on, not just in the hard-right hawks but in the liberal doves who claim to stand for something better. And as long as the liberal extreme clings to its polished version of imperialism, the cycle will continue: Trumpism, followed by more liberal betrayal, followed by an even uglier Trumpism. Two wings of the same bird.
Conclusion: Liberalism’s Polished Poison
The liberals love to position themselves as the saviors of democracy, the protectors of human rights, the champions of progress. But in reality, they’re just better-dressed imperialists. Harris’s failed campaign against Trump wasn’t a defeat for progress—it was a triumph of cynicism over substance, a reminder that the liberal extreme is incapable of offering anything but more of the same.
If we want to escape this nightmare, we have to stop pretending that neoliberalism is the solution to Trumpism. It’s part of the problem—a softer, slicker, more insidious version of the same rotten system. As Kennan would surely recognise, the liberal extreme is doing its job perfectly: keeping the empire intact while pretending to care about the people it crushes.